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Aduku Addae Table

 

 

Bio-Sketch

Aduku Addae, born in 1959, is a Jamaican by birth and an internationalist freedom fighter by choice and conviction.  As a young boy he roamed the hills of his rural village, Bohemia, located at the southwestern tip of the "Garden Parish," St. Ann, dreaming about Maroons (the reputed ancestors of his paternal grandmother) and fighting many shadow (imaginary) battles against the British Army of colonial times. 

The ultimate "mental assassin" in his daydreams he never lost a single conflict to the enemy, the "Red Coats."  more bio

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The idea that the working class woman can choose what to do with her body is inconsistent with the fact that the body of the worker (man or woman) is both an instrument of production and a commodity.  The workers in the factories and offices are merely extensions of the equipment in these corporate environs, therefore, instruments of production.  Workers are even more dispensable than the equipment!  They are bought and sold on the labor market in much the same way as bread and cheese are bought and sold.  Hence, they are commodities.

The actions of the working people are determined not by choice but by necessity.  Necessity is the driving force behind the decisions that poor people make.  Rich women are pro-choice because in a practical sense they can make choices.  Workingwomen have to yield to necessity.  The feminist movement is interested in "rights" (read choices) and privileges, which are buttressed on consumerist notions.  The movement's organizational and agitational efforts are not directed to realize social equity. Feminism and the Criminallization of Masculinity 

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My father was a “comrade” to the bone and in his 70 years of life never wavered from that conviction up to his passing in 1997. He was born, lived and died a “PNP man” and an incorrigible Manley supporter.

Passion as strong as was my father’s belief in the People’s National Party (PNP) touches everyone that comes into contact with it. This passion affected us as children without exception. To this day my siblings remain faithful to the People’s National Party.

As intimated earlier, Manley was the Messiah, the Christ redeemer in my father’s household. As such, he exercised considerable influence over me during my formative years. For about 5 years, between 12 and 17 years of age, I ran around with the rest of the 'sheep' waving my fist in defiance and shouting "Power!" Manley's Legacy

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It must be pointed out that women are as anti-homosexual as men are. If this non-acceptance of homosexuality represents a phobia, a fear, then women fear homosexuals just as much as men do.  Extending the writers logic, women fear masculinization just as men fear feminization. So homophobia for women is masculinophobia (if I may coin a word) as it is femmephobia for men. Homophobia is both femmephobia and masculinophobia, not just the former as the writer asserts. The writer’s theorization produces a lopsided analysis that implicitly incorporates the fictive non-analytical notion that “homophobia” is a male affliction. So, even in this subtle manner, heterosexual men find themselves under attack.

In any event, it is absurd to say that people who are not pro-homosexual are homophobic. Most people simply find this conduct abhorrent and are not any more afraid of homosexuals than they are of heterosexuals (men and women) who are profligate.

Gay women are the ones, who evidently need to be fearful of the "repository of power," the punaany, for, finding themselves subordinate to other women, they are the ones who are conquered by it. The men in this drama, of course, have something more repulsive to fear the overpowering penis. Homophobia (read, in the biased language of the author of the Jamaica Gleaner articles, fear of the phallus) is the appropriate response. The DJs have properly identified this source of fear. The academician is wrong. It seems, though, that all these fears must be ascribed to homosexuals and not heterosexuals. Reflecting on Love Puny Bad

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Rhygin is the epitome of ghetto manhood.  "Single handedly and unaided, he had killed . . . armed men, themselves intent on his life." (It is the ultimate act of survival and this is the essence of life in the ghetto – survival).  In the mind of the ghetto youth this is a hero of legendary stature.  If the old rude boys had to invent or adopt (and adapt) heroic figures for their roles in the ghetto drama the new rude boys are able to find these in the folkloric tradition of the ghetto.  The drama now unfolds as ghetto theatre on the dancehall stage. 

Ninja Man is not Billy the Kid. He does not inhabit the Hollywood tale.  He is not walking in the blight of John Wayne’s shadow.  He is a dramatist, with a contemporary Jamaican voice, cast in the role of Rhygin.

Even as Rhygin was standing at the gates of eternity he was not afraid.  In fact "[h]e had to fight the laughter that rose up in him. . . . He realized with great astonishment that Babylon, with all their long guns, were afraid of him."

Ninja Man boasted of his arsenal of “long guns”. The implication is astounding.

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Table

The ABCs of Class Struggle 

Aduku Addae Bio

Connie Responds to Aduku

Feminism and the Criminalization of Masculinity  

Freedom Ain't Come Yet!

Manley's Legacy 

Marxism Irrelevant 

On Aristide

Reflecting on Love Puny Bad 

The Sting Oracle  

The Struggle in Haiti 

Related files

Black Labor

Comments on Addae "ABCs"   

In-Dependence from Bondage

Lil Joe Table

John Maxwell Table 

Sexual Morality and Black Male Abandonment

Southern Needs

Toussaint Table

Unending War 

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Michael Manley (1924-1997) was Jamaica's fifth Prime Minister. He served two terms -- 1972-1980; 1989-1992. He became leader of the People's National Party (PNP) in 1969 at the death of  his father. Considered a man of the people, he often mingled among the people in causal dress. Though white, he maintained an amiable relationship with Jamaica's black majority. A socialist, he was a friend of Fidel Castro. His economic programs had mixed success.  Manley is also credited with initiating a culture of political violence by his party funding street gangs during  elections to ensure support and political success. The 1980s election was considered extremely corrupt.

Edward Seaga, leader of Jamaica's Labour Party, became the next prime Minister. The 1980 campaign left a 1,000 Jamaicans dead. Seaga also supported with troops Ronald Reagan's invasion of Grenada. Manley was returned to Prime Minister 1989, but retired in 1992 because of reasons of health. Percival James Patterson, then Deputy Prime Minister, succeeds Michael Manley as party leader and prime minister.

P. J. Patterson, born 1935 at St Andrew, Jamaica, was elected to a fourth term in October 2002 as prime Minister of Jamaica. His father was a farmer and his mother a teacher. He studied University College of the West Indies and London School of Economics. 

Patterson is also a lawyer by training. He became an active member of the People's National Party in the 1950s, nominated to the Senate when he was 32 and joined the House of Representatives in 1970. During 1972-80 he served in a number of portfolios, including minister of finance and deputy prime minister.

Paul Bogle, commemorated in song by Bob Marley, was born a free man circa 1822 in the parish of St Thomas, during the height of Jamaican slavery. He was an ordained Baptist deacon who sought reforms on behalf of the black poor, believing that better governmental polices could improve social and economic conditions.

On 11 October 1865 Bogle organized a peaceful march that turned violent -- later called the Morant Bay Rebellion. It resulted in the execution of over five hundred persons and harsh punishment for countless others, including Bogle, who was hanged on October 24, 1865.

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updated 13 October 2007

 

 

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