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When oil was discovered in the south by Chevron in 1978, Khartoum redrew the internal district boundaries farther south to capture the oil revenues. This triggered the civil war, which took on a genocidal character as Khartoum waged wholesale war

 

 

Julie flint & Alex deWaal, Darfur: a short history of a long war. Zed Books, in association with International African Institute, 2005. 151 pages.

Gérard Prunier. Darfur: The Ambiguous Genocide. Cornell University Press, 2005. 212 pages.

David Morse. The Iron Bridge (1998)

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What Can We Learn from Darfur?

Book Reviews by David Morse

 

The horror continues to unfold in Darfur, in western Sudan, while the world stands idly by. Attacks on innocent civilians continue, despite repeated promises by Sudan's central government in Khartoum to disarm the Arab militias known as Janjaweed, which it has armed and trained, and despite the signing of a peace treaty last May.

Most of Darfur's black African farming villages have been destroyed, the men killed, the women raped; cattle and household goods stolen, wells poisoned, the survivors driven from their land.

The survivors, mostly women and children who have taken refuge in desolate camps, live on the razor's edge of survival. They depend wholly on outside humanitarian aid. Supply caravans are attacked by Janjaweed, rebels, and bandits, causing humanitarian aid groups to withdraw workers. Rations have been cut to 1,000 calories per day - about half the minimum required for survival - because nations are reneging on promises of aid.

What are the seeds of this violence?

What can we do to end it?

What can we learn from Darfur?

Two books have appeared recently that focus mainly on the first of these questions. They seek to unravel the complex history of the violence. But implicitly they entertain the remaining two questions as well.

Darfur: a short history of a long war  is as compact as the title suggests, but rich with detail. Authors Alex de Waal and Julie Flint write from a wealth of personal experience. Flint is a journalist who chronicled earlier genocidal attacks by the Sudan government during the North-South civil war - on the Nuba people of central Sudan, and on tribal Africans living in the upper Nile region, where villages were burned to make way for oil exploration. Alex de Waal is an activist-writer who has been at the forefront of mobilizing African and international efforts to address famine, war, and the scourge of HIV/AIDS that afflicts much of Africa. Together and separately over a period of years, the authors have interviewed Janjaweed, rebels, aid workers, officials of the Khartoum government, and chiefs of various tribes.

De Waal and Flint take us as close as we are likely to get to an insider's view of Darfur. Many of the chapters have appeared previously as essays in The London Review of Books and elsewhere, and occasional minor redundancies betray their earlier origins. In any case, the book is highly readable, given the complexity of the situation. Darfur: a short history of a long war has the tightly framed coherence of a scene viewed through a key-hole.

Gérard Prunier's Darfur: The Ambiguous Genocide is a longer and more academic book, based on extensive scholarly research. Whereas characters and images loom fairly large in the other book, Prunier takes a wider, more distanced approach - not so much a keyhole as an aerial view. He cites statistics to show how Darfur was marginalized, from the early twentieth century on - first under the Ottoman empire, then under the joint Egyptian and English colonial administration, and finally, after Sudan gained its independence from Britain in 1956, under the central government in Khartoum.

Khartoum, in the north of Sudan, is dominated by its Arab elite and, for more than two decades, by the Islamic fundamentalist movement that grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood. Its president, Omar Al Bashir, was installed in a bloodless coup in 1985.

Sudan is the largest country in Africa - less a coherent nation than a sprawling ethnic watershed, divided from its neighbors by boundaries drawn at the convenience of the Colonial powers - Egypt, Britain, and France. Khartoum, in the north of Sudan, functions less as the capital of a modern state than as a city-state exploiting its surround territories.

Prunier points out that of 23 intermediate schools operating in the Sudan in 1952, only one was in Darfur. He estimates that as little as 5-6% of investment reached Darfur, which had a third of the population.

What Flint and de Waal show by anecdote and interviews, Prunier shows by statistics and citations. To depict the encroachment of the Sahara south into former grazing lands, for instance: Prunier uses a table showing average precipitation; Flint and de Waal accomplish the same thing dramatically through an interview:

Even in his eighties, bedridden and almost blind, Sheikh Hilal Abdalla was a commanding figure. As the visitors entered his tent, he swung his tall frame upright and ordered his retainer to slaughter a sheep for dinner. He was courteous and imperious in equal measure. 'Who are you?' he demanded. 'You can't be British. All the British speak Quranic Arabic!'"

The Sheikh turns out to be the father of Musa Hilal, chief commander of the Janjaweed, recruited by the Khartoum government and under its protection, despite regional efforts to stop his predations. From the old sheikh we gather that the old ways - notably the cooperation between nomads and farmers - are disappearing,

Different as these two books are in their approach, the authors agree on most of the fundamentals. Each points out the extreme difficulty of categorizing 'Arab' and black 'African' ethnicities in a region where intermarriage has been common and where skin color in itself is not a reliable index.

To say that 'Arabs' are oppressing black 'Africans' is to over-simplify a complexly layered history. And yet none of the authors disputes the role of racism - in Khartoum's historic exploitation of its hinterlands, in the 22-year-long North-South civil war that ended last year, and in the murderous rampage now taking place in Darfur.

An extended drought led to a famine in 1984 that Khartoum did its best to ignore. The drought disrupted the traditionally tolerant relationship between semi-nomadic herders, who were mostly Baggara Arabs, and the sedentary farmers, who belonged to the black tribes - predominantly the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa. "Darfur was an ethnic mosaic," writes Prunier, "not a land divided along binary lines of fracture."

What turned this mosaic into a killing machine?

In Darfur, the initial struggle arose from desertification, and Khartoum's inability or unwillingness to mediate the conflicts - to supply aid to the drought-stricken, to broker land-sharing arrangements for farmers, and to keep open designated paths of migration for herders. Additionally, political ambitions further destabilized the situation. Lybia's Omar Kadaffi sought during the late 1980s and early 90s to create an "Arab belt" across northern Africa. Hoping to use Darfur to destabilize the government of Chad, Kadaffi armed Chadian rebels based in Darfur and fanned 'Arab' animosities against 'black' tribes.

In all these struggles - involving Lybia, Chad, and Khartoum - Darfurians were caught in the middle.

In the North-South conflict that racked Sudan for nearly two decades prior to the outbreak of genocide in Darfur, the mosaic was more binary. The struggle was polarized in terms of religion, ethnicity, and distance from the seat of power. Arab Muslims in the North were fighting blacks in the marginalized South who were Christians or followers of indigenous beliefs. The struggle was less over water than oil.

When oil was discovered in the south by Chevron in 1978, Khartoum redrew the internal district boundaries farther south to capture the oil revenues. This triggered the civil war, which took on a genocidal character as Khartoum waged wholesale war against civilians, using proxy militias and weapons purchased by the proceeds from oil, and also as the rebels split along tribal lines and began attacking civilians as well. We are seeing a reprise of this today in Darfur, which was left out of the North-South peace agreement.

Yet there is nothing simple about Darfur - from its standing as a separate Sultanate until 1916, to the use of Darfurian troops by Khartoum during the civil war. The complexity can be overwhelming. Prunier occasionally overwhelms with his blind erudition, tossing in an Arabic phrase that sends the reader scrambling for the glossary of Arabic terms at the front of the book. Flint and de Waal are more readable.

If I had to choose between the two books, I would recommend Flint and de Waal. for the casual reader, because it humanizes its subjects. It is strongest in depicting the origins of the Janjaweed, and in distinguishing between the two main rebel groups, the Justice and Equality Movement and the Sudan Liberation Army. It also offers a prescient look at the fault-lines within the SLA, based on personalities and tribal divisions - which helps one to understand the disunity among the rebels that came to light so painfully last May at the signing of the treaty. The book contains a thumbnail tribal map of Darfur and a chronology, both of which are useful, and an index that one hopes will be improved in future editions.

Prunier is most helpful for his marshaling of facts - concerning the widely varying estimates of the number of dead, for instance - which he puts at between 280,000 and 310,000 at the beginning of 2005. (That number has climbed, since, by perhaps 100,000 new deaths.) Scholars will appreciate his full notes, good bibliography, and somewhat better index. Equally useful, in his last two chapters Prunier addresses some profound questions - what constitutes a genocide, the impact of the word itself, and the disparity between the "raw African reality and the international community dreamworld."

In short, these books complement each other. Both went to press in mid-2005, shortly before the death of John Garang, leader of the Sudan People's Liberation Army, in a helicopter crash, but they build a strong foundation for understanding a complex and troubling arena of conflict. For anyone who wishes to be better informed, I recommend them both.

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Julie flint & Alex deWaal, Darfur: a short history of a long war. Zed Books, in association with International African Institute, 2005. 151 pages. $20, paperbound.

Gérard Prunier. Darfur: The Ambiguous Genocide. Cornell University Press, 2005. 212 pages. $15.60, hardbound

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David Morse interviewed Sudanese refugees in South Sudan and Kenya last December, and is currently working on a book. His articles have appeared most recently in Alternet, Northeast, The San Francisco Chronicle, Salon, TomDispatch, and elsewhere Publications List.

posted 3 September 2006

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updated 17 March 2008

 

 

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