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 We went through the Reagan years with basically no president at all. He could barely read

his lines. Bush is an executive, but in a very narrow sense. There is a lot of image creation—

the Great Communicator for Reagan, or for Bush it's the Master Statesman who

manipulates international politics. It's a complete fake: The only thing he knows

is how to beat up people who can't fight back.



Books by Noam Chomsky

Hopes and Prospects  / 9-11: Was There an Alternative / Profit Over People: Neo-Liberalism & Global Order

Hegemony Or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance / Understanding Power: The Indispensable Chomsky

Chomsky on Anarchism / The Chomsky-Foucault Debate: On Human Nature  /


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On Capitalism: Noam Chomsky

Interviewed by David Finkel

The Detroit Metro Times , 1991


David Finkel: Let's begin with the topic of the moment, the collapse of the Soviet Union: Is this a victory for the free market? Does it solve capitalism's problems, or create new ones?

Noam Chomsky: To begin with, I think terms like "capitalism" and "socialism" have been so evacuated of any substantive meaning that I don't even like to use them. There's nothing remotely like capitalism in existence. To the extent there ever was, it had disappeared by the 1920s or '30s. Every industrial society is one form or another of state capitalism. But we'll use the term "capitalism," since that is more or less its present meaning.

Well, what happened in the last 10-15 years is that capitalism underwent an enormous, murderously destructive catastrophe. There was a serious international crisis around 1980. Of the three major sectors of state capitalism—the German-led European community, the Japan-based sector and the U.S.-based sector—the German- and Japan-based sectors pulled out of the decline, but without regaining their previous rate of growth. The United States also pulled out, but in a very distorted fashion, with huge borrowing and very extensive state intervention. . . .

The rest of the world didn't pull out, especially in the Third World. There was a very serious crisis, amounting to catastrophe, in Africa, parts of Asia within the Western system and Latin America. That's what's called the crisis of the South, and it's a catastrophe of capitalism.

Now in the Second World of the Soviet Union's dominance, there was also economic collapse . . . a stagnation of the command economy system, which has even less to do with socialism than our system has to do with capitalism. This was combined with nationalist pressures for independence and social pressures attacking the tyrannical system, which by the early 1980s turned into the crisis that has now become the collapse of the Soviet Union. 

All this had little to do with Western policy, but primarily with internal problems and also the general crisis of debt to the West. And there was a crisis of Soviet production, though again not as severe as in the Third World. This is a victory for the West in the Cold War, but that outcome was never seriously in doubt if you look at the relative economic and other forces.

David Finkel: Explain a little more what you mean by state capitalism.

Chomsky: The victory of the West in the Cold War is combined with both this enormous catastrophe of capitalism, and with the move toward one kind or another of state-interventionist forms. As an example, the Reagan-Bush administrations are the most protectionist since World War II, doubling the percentage of imports subject to various forms of restriction.

If you take a look at those Third World countries that pulled out of the crisis of 1980, it's the NICs [Newly Industrialized Countries] in the Japanese periphery. The comparison with Latin America is striking: Up to around 1980 they had similar patterns, then Latin America went into a free fall while the East Asian economies did well. That's because Latin America was opened up to international capital, while East Asia wasn't. You don't have capital flight from South Korea, because you get the death penalty for that. They not only discipline and terrorize the workers in the usual way, they regulate the capitalists, too. In general it's a move toward one end of the spectrum of state capitalism—the fascist end—that turned out to be effective in warding off the general crisis of the 1980s.

David Finkel: How do you assess the Bush administration, especially in terms of domestic policies? Where does it continue the Reagan era and where is it a departure?

Chomsky: It's a continuation of the Carter-Reagan policies. Remember that the Reagan policies were proposed by Carter, who didn't have the muscle to push them through. Carter proposed essentially the military buildup that Reagan carried through, except that Reagan escalated it more rapidly in the beginning and leveled it off later.

The Carter administration also proposed to attack welfare spending and the social support system for the poorer sectors, which the Reagan administration then carried through with bipartisan support. What these policies amounted to is turning the state, even more than before, into a welfare state for the rich: a much more interventionist state that pours public resources into high-technology industry and distributes resources away from the poor, combined with attacks on labor and civil rights.

It's objectively a sound policy, I believe, for the privileged and powerful in an internationally complicated environment. They've internationalized capital to take advantage of cheap labor abroad, and intensified the class war that business has always waged against labor and the disadvantaged.

The program of the Bush administration is largely non-existent in education, energy or the environment. There's rhetoric about the "education president" and whatnot, but policies remain the same, because nobody has figured out how to maintain high-tech industry without a state subsidy or without the Pentagon to provide a guaranteed market for its waste products.

Since nobody has an alternative, this system will doubtless continue. The same applies to fiscal policies, which are driving the United States itself toward a country with a Third World look in infrastructure, services, the disgraceful state of health and mortality standards—a two-tiered society with enormous wealth and privilege amidst poverty and suffering. It's not like Brazil, because it's a wealthier society—but fundamentally of the same type, created with bipartisan agreement.

The issues in presidential elections are virtually non-existent, as are the presidents. We went through the Reagan years with basically no president at all. He could barely read his lines. Bush is an executive, but in a very narrow sense. There is a lot of image creation—the Great Communicator for Reagan, or for Bush it's the Master Statesman who manipulates international politics. It's a complete fake: The only thing he knows is how to beat up people who can't fight back.

David Finkel: In your traveling since the disaster of the Gulf slaughter, what hopeful signs do you see in the grassroots movements?

Chomsky: For some time now, I've been going out of my way to go to the least organized, most reactionary places where I can get invited. During the Gulf war, I was talking in areas like Georgia, Appalachia and Northern California—places that people who are organizing regard as hostile territory, and where during the war everybody was wearing fatigues.

Yet I always find that people come out, and are interested. I think people are mainly cynical; they don't believe in anything. That can take the form of hysterical jingoism, but it's paper thin. Another form it takes is religious revivalism, which I think is on a scale in this country that's unique outside of places like Iran. Or it can take the form of immersion in something else, like football games.

I listen to the sports talk shows when I drive. It's incredible: People have long, sophisticated arguments about what the New England Patriots should have done last Sunday. It reminds me of when I was 12 years old and I could tell you who was the quarterback for Texas Christian in 1937. A major radio station here in Boston just changed its format from 24-hour news to 24-hour sports.

David Finkel: Do you think the Vietnam Syndrome is dead?

Chomsky: Not only don't I believe that, the administration doesn't believe it either. Somebody leaked to Maureen Dowd, who's basically a gossip columnist for the New York Times, a very important document—the first international policy review of the Bush administration in its early months—which she quoted in a column.

It said that in confronting much weaker opponents we must defeat them rapidly and decisively. There cannot be classic intervention anymore—U.S. soldiers slogging in Vietnam for years—it must be either clandestine warfare as in Peru now, where not one American in a thousand knows there are U.S. troops, or the Panama-Iraq game, with enormous propaganda about the enemy ready to destroy us, then a quick victory without any fighting. There was no war, really, in the Gulf—no fighting—simply a slaughter, just as in Panama.

Source: Chomsky

Avram Noam Chomsky (born December 7, 1928) is an American linguist, philosopher,[2][3] cognitive scientist, and activist. He is an Institute Professor and Professor (Emeritus) of in the Department of Linguistics & Philosophy at MIT, where he has worked for over 50 years. Chomsky has been described as the "father of modern linguistics" and a major figure of analytic philosophy. His work has influenced fields such as computer science, mathematics, and psychology. Chomsky is credited as the creator or co-creator of the Chomsky hierarchy theorem, the universal grammar theory, and the Chomsky–Schützenberger theorem.

Ideologically identifying with anarchism and libertarian socialism, Chomsky is known for his critiques of U.S. foreign policy, and he has been described as a prominent cultural figure. His social criticism has included Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988), co-written with Edward S. Herman, an analysis articulating the propaganda model theory for examining the media.

According to the Arts and Humanities Citation Index in 1992, Chomsky was cited as a source more often than any other living scholar from 1980 to 1992. He is also the eighth most cited source of all time, and is considered the "most cited living author". Chomsky is the author of over 100 books.

Source: Wikipedia

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Capitalism and the Ideal State  (Marcus Garvey)/ Negroes and the Crisis of Capitalism (Du Bois)

Noam Chomsky: Is State Capitalism Making Life Better?  /  Noam Chomsky: State-Capitalist "Free Market" Fantasies 1

Noam Chomsky: State-Capitalist "Free Market" Fantasies 2  /  Noam Chomsky: State-Capitalist "Free Market" Fantasies 3

Noam Chomsky: State-Capitalist "Free Market" Fantasies 4  /  Noam Chomsky: State-Capitalist "Free Market" Fantasies 5

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The United States is a Leading Terrorist State An Interview with Noam Chomsky by David Barsamian

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Noam Chomsky: America in Decline  / Exterminate All the Brutes: Gaza 2009

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Noam Chomsky no conspiracy theoristJuly 30, 2011Excerpts by David T. Rowlands—Conspiracy theorists deal with rumour, innuendo and fantasy, usually drawing on what they claim to be secret information, giving rise to such corkers as alien crashes at Area 51, faked moon landings, Paul McCartney is dead, or that scientists and governments have concocted the climate change scare to increase their power over the populace. That’s conspiracy, with nothing to back it up except faith-based hyperbole.

Yet, as anyone who actually reads his work will immediately realise, Chomsky is all about the evidence — reams of evidence presented in thousands of pages of calm, meticulous, forensic detail. It is this illuminating use of publicly-available sources that makes him so dangerous to the pretensions of the powerful and their adoring cheer squad in the plutocrats’ press. Chomsky’s challenge to the conventional wisdom is, of course, an affront to those blinkered by the seductive ideology that casts straight-out imperialism as a benevolent mission to humanity. Hence, the phenomenon of Chomsky-denial may best be explained with resort to the old truism: “There are none so blind (or perhaps myopic) as those who will not see.” When they label Chomsky a conspiracy theorist, a lunatic, a self-hating Jew or a morally-bankrupt traitor, what they are really affirming is the personal stake that they have invested in the capitalist imperialist status quo.

Throughout human history, every major imperial power has developed an ideology to justify its quest for supremacy. From the Romans, to the British to the US there is a common thread — “we” have to run the world for its own good and anyone who gets in “our” way must therefore be crushed.—GreenLeft

posted 10 September 2011

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Noam Chomsky: Who Owns the World?

Noam Chomsky chooses Obama over GOPs as 2012 President

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Failed States: The Abuse of Power and the Assault on Democracy

By Noam Chomsky

The United States has repeatedly asserted its right to intervene militarily against "failed states" around the globe. In this much-anticipated follow-up to his international bestseller Hegemony or Survival, Noam Chomsky turns the tables, showing how the United States itself shares features with other failed states—suffering from a severe "democratic deficit," eschewing domestic and international law, and adopting policies that increasingly endanger its own citizens and the world. Exploring the latest developments in U.S. foreign and domestic policy, Chomsky reveals Washington's plans to further militarize the planet, greatly increasing the risks of nuclear war. He also assesses the dangerous consequences of the occupation of Iraq; documents Washington's self-exemption from international norms, including the Geneva conventions and the Kyoto Protocol; and examines how the U.S. electoral system is designed to eliminate genuine political alternatives, impeding any meaningful democracy. Forceful, lucid, and meticulously documented, Failed States offers a comprehensive analysis of a global superpower that has long claimed the right to reshape other nations while its own democratic institutions are in severe crisis. Systematically dismantling the United States' pretense of being the world's arbiter of democracy, Failed States is Chomsky's most focused—and urgent—critique to date.

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Sex at the Margins

Migration, Labour Markets and the Rescue Industry

By Laura María Agustín

This book explodes several myths: that selling sex is completely different from any other kind of work, that migrants who sell sex are passive victims and that the multitude of people out to save them are without self-interest. Laura Agustín makes a passionate case against these stereotypes, arguing that the label 'trafficked' does not accurately describe migrants' lives and that the 'rescue industry' serves to disempower them. Based on extensive research amongst both migrants who sell sex and social helpers, Sex at the Margins provides a radically different analysis. Frequently, says Agustin, migrants make rational choices to travel and work in the sex industry, and although they are treated like a marginalised group they form part of the dynamic global economy. Both powerful and controversial, this book is essential reading for all those who want to understand the increasingly important relationship between sex markets, migration and the desire for social justice. "Sex at the Margins rips apart distinctions between migrants, service work and sexual labour and reveals the utter complexity of the contemporary sex industry. This book is set to be a trailblazer in the study of sexuality."—Lisa Adkins, University of London

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The White Masters of the World

From The World and Africa, 1965

By W. E. B. Du Bois

W. E. B. Du Bois’ Arraignment and Indictment of White Civilization (Fletcher)

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Ancient African Nations

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The Death of Emmett Till by Bob Dylan  The Lonesome Death of Hattie Carroll  Only a Pawn in Their Game

Rev. Jesse Lee Peterson Thanks America for Slavery / George Jackson  / Hurricane Carter

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The Journal of Negro History issues at Project Gutenberg

The Haitian Declaration of Independence 1804  / January 1, 1804 -- The Founding of Haiti 

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