Nat Turner’s brief life of thirty-one years
occurred during what is commonly called the "National
Period." He was born October 2, 1800, in Southampton County,
Virginia, five days before Governor James Monroe ordered Gabriel
Prosser’s execution. A lunar eclipse occurred on the day of his
birth. It was a time of great changes and great contradictions.
Eight years before the official end of the U.S. African slave trade,
Nathaniel came screaming into the world, a first generation American, his
mother having been kidnapped in some unknown African village.
That same year, 1800, the United States (eleven
years old) elected as its third president Thomas Jefferson of
Virginia, author of the Declaration of Independence and an apologist
for slaveholding ("Administration of Justice," pp.
133-139). Southampton records, however, do not make apparent the
personal intimacy under which Turner’s parents conceived their
son. Nor does the folklore surrounding his birth adequately respond
to troubling questions.
As in the lives of other legendary men, the fine
details of Turner‘s birth were made a mystery to veil individuals
in high places. Critical scholarship, nevertheless, still requires
us to cut away the dross and extrapolate that which we know and find
reasonable within the inhuman context of American slavery. According
to oral reports, Turner’s mother was transported to Jamestown from
Africa and sold on the auction block in Suffolk, Virginia. The
agreed impression is that this African female was in her mid or late
teens.
Then in his mid-30s, Benjamin Turner of Cross
Keys (Southampton County), according to Gilbert Francis, bought
Turner’s mother "some time between January and March of
1800." If this timeline is indeed accurate or near true, this
African female became impregnated as soon as she was purchased by
Benjamin Turner. Married with two children and possibly a wife with
child, Ben Turner gave his new female slave the name "Nancy," which
was also the name of his teenage daughter.
Francis’ timeline, however, generates questions
concerning the "who" of Turner’s parents. In short, we
are uncertain who was Nathaniel Turner’s father (Nat Turner
Insurrection—1831, tape 1). But clues exist that run counter
to the standard view.
Most often it is claimed, including by Turner
himself, that his "father" was a slave. The time of his
birth and his complexion suggest that his "slave father"
was not his biological one. According to the Governor of Virginia’s
1831 Proclamation, Nat Turner was of a "rather bright
complexion." The Governor’s description also concluded that
Turner was "not a mulatto." Of course, the Governor did
not know the truth of Turner’s parents. His use of the phrase
"not a mulatto" meant Turner could not be mistaken for a
white man.
For Turner had a "large flat nose" (Tragle,
p. 421) and other Negro features. Some have felt a need to account
for Turner’s complexion. According to Gilbert Francis, a local
folklorist, Turner’s mother was from the Nile Valley and was of an
"olive color." Of course, there are no records to sustain
Francis’ tale of Nancy’s Nile Valley origins.
Francis’ account for Turner’s "bright
complexion" runs counter to the norm of the African trade and
that of human behavior. His tale suggests Nathaniel inherited his
complexion from his mother rather than his father. That a slave was
exported from East Africa to Virginia seems highly unlikely.
Moreover, even if Nancy of the Nile Valley was of an "olive
complexion," that hue is usually considered darker than a
"bright complexion."
This account of the geographical origins of
Turner’s mother leaves us in doubt of the full veracity of Francis’
tale and causes us to suspect that this story was manufactured by
Nathaniel's white family and sustained by their co-religionists
to mask sexual impropriety, namely, a slave master’s rape of his
female slave.
Francis’ account of Turner’s early years also
included the story that Nancy tried to kill her baby because
"she did not want her baby to grow up in slavery" (Nat
Turner Insurrection—1831, tape 1). But such radical
"abolitionist sentiment," such "savage
nobility," seems contrived, especially coming from a newly
arrived African, whose culture sanctioned slavery (Lovejoy, p. 14).
Though it makes good melodrama, Nancy’s
supposed natural repugnance to slavery, extraordinary in any
setting, goes unaccounted and unsubstantiated. It is thread-bare
fabrication. This tale of
attempted infanticide is of the same material as the one of the Nile
Valley origins to account for Turner’s complexion..
Both tales (fabrications) are incredible. The attempted
"child
murder" probably did occur, but not as a result of the reasons
Francis and others have given. Francis is too Christian, too much of
a Southern traditionalist, and upright to provide the more saucy
aspects of Virginia slavery in the Jefferson tradition. This tale of Nancy’s "natural
repugnance" to slavery seems designed to divert culpability
away from Ben Turner.
That a young terrified African girl would make
a free sexual alliance with an American slave immediately on
stepping off a slave ship seems too incredulous, doubtful and
baffling, a play on the racial stereotype of the looseness of
African sexual morality. And the lust of black American Christian
male slaves.
That she was raped during the middle passage
before she was sold to Ben Turner is a possibility. But then there
would not have been a need for the tale of Nancy’s Nile Valley
origins to account for Nathaiel’s complexion.
That the young Ben Turner fathered Nancy’s son
seems most likely. This actuality would then explain not only the
emphasis on the young African girl’s color as "olive,"
but also her threat on her child’s life. At the sight of her
newborn, Nancy was shocked by her son’s complexion, which marked
her shame and the man who ravished her. Benjamin Turner saved the
baby’s life, according to Francis, and placed the child in the
hands of Harriet and Tom, the surrogate grandparents on the
plantation, to be raised (The Southampton Insurrection—1831,
tape 1).
In that he was raised by his
"grandparents," Turner, most likely, was speaking of
Harriet and Tom when he spoke of his "mother" and
"father" or his "parents." Seemingly, he
recognized them as both parents and grandparents at different stages
or in particular contexts of his life. This fusion of grandparents
and parents in conversation still exists in many African-American
families.
Judging by their status, Harriet and Tom must
have been part of Ben Turner’s inheritance when he came of age.
That is, Harriet and Tom had been owned by his father and were
probably about Ben Turner’s thirty-four years or older. Tom, the
so-called grandfather, may have also been the nameless father who
ran away.
His family having prospered during the Revolutionary War
(1775-1783), Ben Turner was, thus, at least, a second-generation
slaveowner. We have no evidence, however, that Ben Turner bought
slaves other than the young African girl whom he renamed Nancy. If
Gilbert Francis is correct about Ben Turner’s religiosity, this
instance of slave buying may have occurred on impulse, rather than
for economic reasons.
Though they lacked full command over their son,
Nathaniel’s grandparents (probably in concert with their master, Ben
Turner) named him "Nathaniel," which in Hebrew means
"gift of God." His parents (grandparents) raised Nathaniel
partially within the Cross Keys household of Ben Turner. This
community of thickly situated farms, amidst great swamps, was within
twenty miles of towns with Hebraic names; to the northeast,
Bethlehem, and to the east, Jerusalem.
Even the name of Turner’s village seemed to
possess the air of religious and Christian significance: the image
of crossed keys called to mind the legend of Peter as
gatekeeper holding the keys to heaven and hell (Matthew 16.18-19).
During his life, Nathaniel Turner, it seems, confined himself to the world
of Cross Keys and Jerusalem. Though there are stories of his having
traveled outside of Southampton, his primary concern and interest
was restricted to Cross Keys and Ben Turner’s Methodist society. Next
Chapter
* *
* * *
update 28 June 2008