The State
of Black Journalism
What
Cost Blackness in Maryland
An Editorial by Rudolph Lewis
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I have
been convinced for a long time now that, with a few
dazzling exceptions, print and visual media have thrown
away their freedom and chosen jail instead—have
willingly locked themselves into a ratings-driven, money-based prison of their own making.
—Toni
Morrison,
“Clinton
as the First Black President” New Yorker,
October 1998
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We’re still in the first month of winter.
But hot vacuous winds, “cloaked in deception and secrecy,”
now stir Old Glory. Self-congratulatory
pundits with their rhetoric of blackness sift history “for
nuggets of dubious relevancy.” These black media specialists
assert their authenticity by calling themselves “community journalists” and with great pretense that they
speak for the majority of the black and working poor utter such
words as “what I hear being asked on the streets.” We
find this journalistic approach in an editorial “I Choose My
Blackness” by D. Morton Glover (Bmorenews.com)
This year 2006 Maryland will choose a
Governor and a U.S. Senator. In the gubernatorial election, the
odds are that Baltimore City Mayor
Martin O’Malley, who has chosen his black running mate, Delegate
Anthony G. Brown (of Prince George County and an Iraq War
veteran), will be the Democratic Party’s choice to run against
Gov.
Robert Ehrlich, Jr., a Republican. The odds makers are
betting that Ehrlich will choose another black as his running
mate. In Maryland, Mr. Glover happily concludes,
“multiculturalism is not bunk.”
Lt.
Gov. Michael S. Steele, a Black Republican, has been chosen
already to challenge the Democrats for the vacant U.S.
Senate seat, occupied now by retiring Paul
S. Sarbanes. President Bush has made a couple of visits to
Maryland to support Steele’s run. The Democratic Party’s
choice is yet undecided. The two main candidates are Kweisi
Mfume, former CEO and President of the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People, and Rep.
Ben Cardin, as pointed out by Mr. Glover, “the first to be
‘interviewed’ by Associated
Black Charities in a seemingly weird and unprecedented forum
at the Reginald F. Lewis
Museum.”
Blacks make up a quarter of Maryland’s
population, usually viewed as one of the blue states in
presidential elections. Thus, in close elections, as in the 1996
election between Bob Dole
and Bill Clinton, the Democratic Party’s loyal core are needed but
anemic. In that election, according to Ronald Walters in his
White
Nationalism, Black Interests
(2003), “the votes that clinched his [Clinton’s]
victory came from Blacks (84%), Hispanics (73%) and Liberals
(78%); these voters constituted 40% of his base” (109).
What secured Clinton’s victory was his
attraction of Reagan Democrats by his anti-government rhetoric
and his “punitive crime measures, more draconian death penalty
laws and drug sentencing programs, cuts in social service
benefits, adoption of enterprise zones, reduction in welfare . .
. and the funding of school choice.” These were Reagan
policies “implemented under a Democratic president with little
opposition from members of his own party” (115).
As Professor Floyd Hayes has pointed out
“Bill Clinton's neo-liberalism
was very much like Reagan
conservatism, especially in the area of social policy."
That is, the “New Democratic Politics” have converged with
those of the Conservative and White Nationalist movements of the
last three decades, not only in the national arena but also on
the state and local levels. So only a microscopic few,
especially of the black working poor, have any confidence in the
lot of the present black or white politicians, whether Democrat
or Republican, to solve their more pressing needs.
With respect to the interests of the working
class poor, all now seem conditioned to “trickle down”
politics, whether Democrat or Republican, White Nationalist or
Black Nationalist. In the present state of racial opportunism,
where then should a black “community journalist” stand?
First, we have little notion from Mr.
Glover’s article “I
Choose My Blackness” what a "community journalist”
is, other than a person who lives within the black community. He
seems to live in Sandtown, near the Pennsylvania Avenue area.
Yet we are unclear from his article or his website what is the
proper conduct of a journalist. Generally, a journalist is
thought to be a critical watchdog ardently in search of truth
for the greater public good. Can this be said to be true for Mr.
Glover, his website and his other “journalistic” activities
as hosts of radio programs at Radio One and WEAA?
Despite his mantra, “Give me Mfume or give
me Steele,” Mr. Glover seems a stout supporter of the
candidacy of Mr. Mfume, whom he claims “embody the poor and
minority struggle with his sultry words.” From Glover’s
article we have no sense what Mfume or Steele proposes to do
with poor and minority problems in Baltimore sketched out in the
Abell
Report (2005): 200,000 residents 16 and older without
jobs; a students drop out rate of nearly 50%.
In this article Mr. Glover has placed his
emphasis rather on political appointments and minority business
contracts. He speaks of a “need for blacks in every and all
statewide campaigns.” He speaks glowingly of the Republican
Party’s raising “the bar of political inclusion,” which is
a reference to Steele’s position as lieutenant governor and
his hope that Ehrlich will choose Wayne
Curry, former Prince
George’s County Executive, as his next black running mate.
Elsewhere Glover expresses the “distinct need for black
procurement officers and heads of key agencies.”
Based on past behavior, Mr. Glover seems
confident that “an O’Malley Administration would continue
this effort to expand and increase black business
opportunities.” He goes on to state “deliverables for black
business owners is key in this upcoming election.” In his
“black agenda,” Glover states that the 2006 elected
officials “ought be real serious, succinct, and clear about
creating some new black millionaires.” Nowhere in his “black
agenda” are there proposals to deal with the 60% black male
unemployment in Baltimore nor remedies for the high drop out rate of
black high school students, nor the payment of living wages by
black businesses.
Mr. Glover thus seems to have a black
middle-class agenda with an expansive emphasis on symbolical
black politics, that is, black faces in high places. Is Glover
then an independent journalist or is he an advocate?
We can conclude from his Bmorenews.com
site that he is a Democrat in that he is running ads for Wesley
Wood for State Legislature, Bobby Zirkin for State
Senate, Kweisi
Mfume for the U.S. Senate. Clearly, Mr. Glover
is not an
independent journalist. He seems to be caught up in what Toni
Morrison calls a “moneybased prison of [his] own making.”
One might say as was said about Southern
politicians in the mid-90s, Mr. Glover is a “blue dog
Democrat.” His loyalty is to color. He is for that party that
satisfies his two political needs: black millionaires and blacks
in high places. Not hard-hearted, Mr. Glover probably stands for
a few crumbs trickling down to those poor blacks he passes on
his way to his Sandtown home. * * *
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posted 10 January 2006 |